CALVIN, BERKHOF and H. J. KUIPER
A COMPARISON
Rev. Herman Hoeksema
PART
ONE
Of
course, we do not intend to draw a comparison between the three men, whose
names appear in the title of this essay.
It is
our purpose to make a comparative study of their views, their doctrines, their
convictions, as clearly expressed in their writings.
Neither
do we propose to compare their teachings from every viewpoint and with regard
to every detail. It is particularly from the viewpoint of their attitude toward
the so-called free offer of salvation in connection with the doctrine of
predestination and sovereign grace, that we expect to carry on a bit of
investigation. Again, we do not care to draw a comparison between the views of
each one of the three men named individually. That would not be to the point
and would lead us nowhere.
We
have a certain definite purpose in view. We want to know something very
definite. We would like to have an answer to a certain very definite question
that concerns us all, Calvin, Kuiper, Berkhof, the undersigned and all our
readers and hundreds more. And that particular question is: Do Berkhof and Kuiper in all they have
publicly taught of late years follow John Calvin’s conception of a certain free
offer of salvation to all men? If they do we do not hesitate to admit that
we do not. If Calvin holds to the general and free offer of salvation to all
men promiscuously in the sense in which Berkhof and Kuiper do, we must depart
from Calvin. That is our interest in the question we propose to answer. If, on
the other hand, Berkhof and Kuiper in their writings on this subject depart
from Calvin, they ought to cease to appeal to him and his views as if they
agreed with him, and they ought not to recommend his works, particularly not
the book entitled Calvin’s Calvinism;
they ought frankly to admit that they condemn Calvin on this point as they did
and do us. That is their interest in this matter. And if it is not true that
John Calvin held to a gracious and general offer of salvation on the part of
God to all men, Berkhof and Kuiper ought not to present him as if he did. His
name ought to be cleared from the indictment of teaching any such Pelagian
errors. That is Calvin’s interest in the matter. And in the process of this
investigation the atmosphere will probably be cleared with respect to certain
matters, the truth will shine forth more clearly and brightly and we will all
be edified. That is the interest of all our readers in the matter and of
many more that ought to be our readers.
And
so we will compare the last named two men with the first: Berkhof and Kuiper on
the one hand, Calvin on the other.
The
occasion, you ask for this essay?
First: the publication of the book Calvin’s Calvinism, to which we referred in the previous number of our paper.
It sets forth particularly the views of John Calvin on predestination and the
related doctrines; and on the secret providence of God. And it is the work of
Calvin’s maturer years, a fact that adds to the value of the book in our
estimation.
Secondly: a particular paragraph in
the book review on this work by Prof. Berkhof, that appeared in The
Banner of July 26, 1929. The paragraph referred to here follows:
“These treatises are indeed valuable productions of the
great Reformer. On reading them, it is true, we sometimes feel that he is
hardly civil to his opponents. He certainly does not speak of them in terms of
endearment. But in this respect his polemics simply reflect the spirit of the
age. The one thing that stands out very clearly in these treatises is that
Calvin is eminently Scriptural in his representations. He bases his teachings
on the Word of God, and is always ready to apply to them the touchstone of
Scripture. Moreover, in the deep things of God he has no desire to go beyond
the plain teachings of the Bible and rebukes those that attempt it. He is
willing to go as far as the Word of God does, but not farther, and does not
hesitate to admit that the doctrines of predestination and divine providence
raise problems which he cannot solve. Time and again he indignantly repudiates
the idea that in teaching the doctrine of predestination he makes God the
author of sin and renders the free offer of salvation impossible. He has no
patience with those people who want the preachers to be silent respecting these
great doctrines for fear that they might prove injurious to some; at the same
time he desires that these doctrines shall be taught with care and discretion.”
Thirdly: both Berkhof and Kuiper
are great defenders of the Three Points. If Berkhof is not the father of them,
he certainly is one of their foster-fathers and he went the length of
publishing a pamphlet in their defense. And Kuiper preached and published three
sermons on these points, in which he made many statements that are still fresh
in our mind because of their glowing enthusiasm for the doctrine, that God
freely offers salvation to all men and earnestly desires their salvation. And
also these statements ought to be compared with the teachings of John Calvin on
this subject.
We
will make the paragraph quoted from the book review by Berkhof our starting
point.
The
reader will realize that it is especially to the part that speaks of Calvin’s view
of the free offer of salvation, and of his timidity to enter into the deep
things of God, that we wish to call attention. We are interested to know just
what was Calvin’s view on these matters and whether Berkhof is interpreting him
rightly.
But
before we enter into this, we must needs speak of another matter or two that
impressed us, when we read this brief appraisal by Berkhof of the book of
Calvin.
First
of all we would call the attention of our readers to the statements Berkhof
makes concerning the treatment by Calvin of his opponents. “He hardly treats
them civilly sometimes,” writes Berkhof. “He certainly does not speak of them
in terms of endearment!” And the professor attributes this feature of Calvin’s
treatises merely to the spirit of the age. It was simply the custom of the time
to treat opponents in this fashion.
Now,
the fact may be admitted that Calvin handles his opponents without the gloves
of a superficial civilization. He does thoroughly enter into their reasoning
and enervates their every argument. But in doing so he does not spare them and
is little careful how he calls them. We would, probably, speak of our
“honorable opponent” and write in terms of utmost respect, though we did not
mean a word of it, did not think our opponent honorable at all and had no
respect for him whatever. Calvin surely does not write in that fashion. He
calls a spade a spade. Some very interesting illustrations may be quoted from
his work to substantiate this statement. For instance:
“But since the trouble which this vain fellow (Servetus) endeavored to cause me, reaches unto you
also, it is but just that you should partake of the blessed fruit which God
brings out of it.” (p. 20).
“And yet the object of this filthy and abandoned one (Servetus) was not only to blot out all
knowledge of God’s election from the minds of men, but to overturn His power
also, as is evident from his mad dreams, which ye possess in your public
records”… (p. 22).
“Now the reason why, passing by this fellow in silence, I
enter into the battle with the other two, Albertus Pighius and Georgius of
Sicily, is, as I will explain to you twofold. This ignorant pettifogger could bring forth nothing but what he got from
these sources, and so would make what was bad in them worse and worse. To
contend with him, therefore, would have been a contest cold and bootless. Let
our readers be content with one proof. With what cavils Pighius and Georgius
would darken the first chapter of Paul to the Ephesians has been shown in its
proper place. They, indeed, were ignorant
and disgusting; but the folly of this fellow is fouler still, who blushed
not to babble his nonsense in your senate; and not only so, but dared to defend
with pertinacity what he had thus blathered in folly.” (p. 23).
Or
take this for example:
“I propose now, to enter into the sacred battle with
Pighius and Georgius, the Sicilian, a pair of unclean beasts (Lev. 11:3) by no
means badly matched.”
And
to prove this characterization of them he continues:
“For though I
confess that in some things they differ, yet, in hatching enormities of error,
in adulterating the Scriptures with wicked and reveling audacity, in a proud
contempt of truth, in forward impudence and in brazen loquacity, the most
perfect likeness and sameness will be found to exist between them. Except that
Pighius by inflating the muddy bombast of his magniloquence, carries himself
with greater pomp and boast; while the other fellow borrows the boots by which
he elevates himself from his invented revelations.” (p. 27).
“And yet this ape of
Euclid (Pighius is meant, H. H.) puffs himself off in the titles of all his
chapters as a first-rate reasoner.” (p. 89).
“And now as I proceed, it will be my object to consider not
so much what Pighius says, nor in what order he says it, as to take care that
this worthless fellow be buried under the ruins of his own desperate
impudence.” (p. 93).
“Now in the first place, if there had been one grain of the
fear of God in this man Pighius, could he ever have dared thus insolently to
call God to order?” (p. 108).
“Pighius, indeed, can pour out the flood of his
characteristic loquacity with all the ease in the world, and without one drop
of sweat at all. But that his tongue might have full play, he seems always to
take care to wet himself well with wine, that he may be able to blow forth at
random, and without any check of shame whatever, those blasts of abuse that
first fill his swollen cheeks.” (p. 133).
“But some space must now be found for dealing with Georgius
of Sicily. All things connected with this miserable creature are so insipid,
vain and disgusting, that I really am ashamed to spend any time or labour in
his refutation.” (p. 157).
“But it is no matter
of wonder that the more audacity this worthless fellow betrays in wresting the
Scriptures, the more profuse he should be in heaping passages on passages to
suit his purpose, seeing that he does not possess one particle of religion or
of shame which might restrain his headlong impudence.” (p. 167).
We
could easily multiply these few illustrations from Calvin’s work, but these may
suffice.
Certainly,
these are not terms of endearment and in the light of our present conception of
civilization they are not civil terms. And Calvin must be severely condemned if
our present civilization is, indeed, a true standard for treating the enemies
of the truth of God. After all, it does not mean a great deal, when Berkhof
attempts to excuse Calvin by the statement that these uncivil expressions of
Calvin must be judged in the light of the spirit of that age. It only means,
that men were more brutal, uncivilized then than they are today, and that
Calvin was no exception to that rule. But I question very seriously, whether
this is the proper explanation of the cutting words with which Calvin addresses
and describes his opponents. Let there even be an element of truth in it, fact
is, that polemics were not always characterized by the same lack of
civilization which the professor finds in Calvin’s mode of writing. Consider
the smooth language of one of Calvin’s opponents, of one certain “calumniator”
as Calvin calls him, in the following passage:
“You are a man, John Calvin, now known almost throughout
the whole world. Your doctrine has many favorers and supporters, but it has
also many enemies and opponents. For myself, being one who earnestly wishes
that there were but one doctrine, as there is but one truth, and who greatly
desires to see all men agree, if it were possible, in that one doctrine, I have
thought that you ought to be informed, in a friendly manner, of those things
which are everywhere spoken against your doctrine; that if false you might
refute them and might have an opportunity of sending your refutation to me;
that I might be able to take a stand against your adversaries. And I pray that
you would frame your refutations of such arguments as may be plainly understood
by the people.” (p. 257).
Now,
surely, this attack upon Calvin is clothed throughout in very refined and civil
language. And how does Calvin answer? Read the following:
“Nay, as far as you yourself are concerned, poor masked
monitor, I derive some consolation from the fact that you cannot be ungrateful
to the man who has treated you with much greater kindness than you deserved at
his hands, without betraying at the same time your foul wickedness against God.
I know quite well that there is no sport more grateful to you Academics than
the rooting out of all faith from the hearts of the godly by casting a shade of
doubt over all that they hold dear. And how sweet you feel in yourself
all those revilings to be, which you direct against the Secret Providence of
God is apparent from the very point of your pen, how much so ever you strive to
hide your base gratification. But I cite you and all you fellows before that
tribunal on which the Judge of heaven sits, from whose mouth the blast and the
bolt shall one day fall upon you all and lay you prostrate. I trust,
however, that I myself before I have done, shall make your insolent speaking
against God to be as loathsome to the feelings of all the good and godly men,
as they are inwardly gratifying to your own heart.” (p. 258).
Now,
it is evident from these quotations, in the first place, that not all carried
on their polemics in the same “uncivil” language as did John Calvin. The
language of his opponent is throughout very smooth, sweet and polite. He does
not call Calvin names, but treats him throughout with apparent respect. Which
shows, that you cannot explain Calvin’s language simply from the spirit of the
times, unless you picture Calvin as less polished and civilized than his
average opponent. And this certainly cannot be said of the Genevan Reformer. In
the second place, it is also clear, that Calvin does not change his style one
whit, because of the sweetness and politeness of his adversary’s language. He
immediately attacks him with the severest language and invokes the bolts of
God’s judgments upon him and his friends to lay them prostrate.
How,
then to explain this form of writing on the part of Calvin?
In
the first place, I would explain it from a very
firm conviction regarding the truth. Calvin did not doubt. He was strong in
the faith. He did not simply philosophize on the truth intellectually, for the
sake of mere mental enjoyment and exercise of his logical faculty, but he was
deeply convinced himself of the truth of what he wrote. He believed the Word of
God and was assured that his doctrine was the true representation of the truth
of that Word.
In
the second place, and what is still more, he also loved the truth of which he wrote and had a personal part in it.
Calvin’s heart was filled with reverent love of God and the fear of His name.
He himself embraced the truth with all his heart, and in it he clung to his
covenant God, the glory of Whose Name meant so much to Calvin.
In
the third place, it follows, and it is evident from all his writings that this
conclusion is correct, that Calvin regarded his opponents, that attacked the
truth of predestination and of the sovereign grace of God, as enemies of the truth of God, which they
also really were. These men slandered the name of his God, according to the
conviction of Calvin. They were wicked, base fellows, ungodly men, who
possessed no grain of religion and of the fear of God. And Calvin, who could
endure so much if his own honour and name were concerned, did not hesitate to
express his contempt and holy hatred, which he actually felt against these
enemies of his God. I am convinced that these are the deeper and nobler motives
behind this “uncivil” language of the reformer.
Hardly
civil?
But
what is civilization that speaks in terms of endearment where the language should be that of holy wrath, seeing the
enemy makes an attack upon the truth and name of God? What does it mean, when
we express our highest esteem and respect for opponents of the truth, when
there is no grain of such respect in our hearts? What otherwise is it than a
bit of ungodly hypocrisy? Surely, the theory of common grace may be able to
cover up this wicked hypocrisy, according to which we are often more concerned
with our own honour and with the friendship of men than with the honour and
friendship of our God. It has already so blinded the eyes of many, that they
even would criticize the profound love of God expressed by the psalmist of Ps.
139, when he emphasizes that he hates those that hate his God and that they are
his enemies. Small wonder, that in our age of humanism and love of self and the
honour of men rather than of God, we should stumble over the language of
Calvin, when he calls the enemies of God by their true names, rather than
feigning esteem for them which he does not possess.
This
is the first general remark, which I felt constrained to make before I come to
the real point of our discussion.
And
my second remark is this.
One
would almost receive the impression from the book review on Calvin’s Calvinism in The Banner,
that it chiefly consisted in a warning to be careful and not to enter into the
deep things of God with too great a measure of audacity. Oh, Calvin is so
careful! He would almost seem to devote his work chiefly to the attempt to
defend the free offer of salvation in the light of the doctrine of
predestination! He appears almost timid in his care not to express himself too
boldly on the subject of election and reprobation!
As if
such were the subjects on which Calvin wrote!
As
if, forsooth, such were actually his chief purpose!
Nay
more, as if there were even one iota of Berkhof’s theory of a free offer of
salvation on the part of God in the whole work!
One
feels how the wind blows in Berkhof’s book review. It appears that the three
points were before his mind, when he wrote that review. One receives the
impression, that he was thinking of 1924 and of us, of the work the Christian
Reformed Churches did, when they corrupted the doctrine of Calvin and of the
Reformed faith in their three declarations; when they, very politely and
civilly, without giving him even an opportunity to defend himself and the
truth, wickedly expelled ministers, that were faithfully defending the truth of
the sovereign grace of God, in opposition to the theory of Common Grace which
the Churches adopted. He must have met many passages in Calvin's Calvinism that stood on flat contradiction to the doctrine
adopted by the Churches, under Berkhof’s leadership, in their now famous three
points. And now he desperately tries to read into Calvin’s Calvinism the “whitewashed Calvinism” of the three points! Now
he emphasizes that Calvin is careful not to go beyond Scripture and that he
defends a free offer of salvation in the sense of the first point of 1924!!!
Grace to all, is it not, professor? in the preaching of the gospel!
Grace
also to the reprobate in the proclamation of the salvation in Christ!
An
earnest desire on the part of God to save all men and not only the elect!
That
is what you mean, when you speak of a free offer of salvation. That is what
Kuiper preached in his sermons on the Three Points.
And
you maintain, that this corruption of predestination is the doctrine of Calvin?
Well,
we will see!
I assure you that the publishers of the book will look amazed when they hear that Calvin’s Calvinism makes such a strange impression on some Reformed (?) leaders in America!
They must have nothing of “hawking” Christ, as Rev. Atherton used to call this so-called offer of salvation to all.
And
it surely is not their impression that Calvin believed in it.
But
we will see.
I
will quote Calvin extensively on this subject. Fortunately, he has a good deal
to say on it, so that we are in a position to obtain a rather clear conception
of his views on the matter.
I
will also quote what Berkhof and Kuiper have written on the same subject, in
connection with the contents of Point I of 1924.
And then the reader may judge for himself, whether the corruption of 1924 is actually the doctrine of the Genevan Reformer.
This,
however, we will leave for our next number, the Lord willing.
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