Prof. Ronald L. Cammenga
[The following was originally published in the Protestant Reformed Theological Journal, April 2008 --- PDF version HERE]
Introduction
Proponents
of common grace have long appealed to John Calvin in support of the teaching of
common grace. This appeal to Calvin has been made by individuals as well as by
church bodies. The argument is advanced that, although admittedly Calvin did
not fully develop the teaching that later became known as common grace, the
seeds of common grace can be found in his writings. Already at the time of the
Reformation, it is argued, Calvin articulated the basic principle of common
grace, the notion of a general favor of God towards all men, and in a beginning
sort of way made application of this principle to the life of the Christian in
the world. All that later Reformed theologians did by way of the development of
the teaching of common grace, they did by carrying forward the rudimentary work
of Calvin. Until recently, there has been a general consensus among the
proponents of common grace that John Calvin was the originator of this
teaching.
The
attempt to demonstrate that the doctrine of common grace can be traced back to
Calvin is understandable. It is understandable in light of the stature that
Calvin has in Reformed and Presbyterian churches. If it can be demonstrated
that Calvin taught a certain doctrine, at the very least that teaching has a
right to the claim that it is historically Reformed. This is simply due to the
fact that so much of what came to be regarded as Reformed orthodoxy derives
from and depends on Calvin.
The
attempt to derive the teaching of common grace from Calvin is understandable
from another point of view. Undoubtedly this effort also arises out of Reformed
theology’s sensitivity to the importance of theological lineage. In distinction
from Roman Catholicism and various cults, Reformed theology maintains a view
of the organic development of doctrine. What the church teaches today is only
the further unfolding of what, in the main, the Protestant reformers of the
sixteenth century taught, and before them the early church fathers and the
apostles. Development of doctrine is organic development, the acorn sprouting
forth and growing into the mighty oak tree. Major doctrines are not at the
present late date in human history for the first time discovered and
articulated. But the main doctrines of the Reformed faith held in the twenty-first
century are the flowering forth of the great doctrines of the Reformation. Because
of this view of the development of doctrine, the proponents of the teaching of
common grace have been keen to derive the main elements of their teaching from
the great reformer John Calvin.
This
article will examine the merits of this endeavor. Can it in fact be
demonstrated that Calvin was the originator of the teaching of common grace?
Did he in his many writings lay the theological foundation upon which the further
development of common grace could be built? And would he approve of the later
developments and applications of common grace, particularly by nineteenth and
twentieth century theologians? Or is the appeal to Calvin strained and wide of
the mark? These are the main questions to which we will seek answers.
Appeal to Calvin
No
one did more to develop the doctrine of common grace than the Dutch Reformed
theologian Abraham Kuyper (1837-1920). The crowning achievement of Kuyper’s
articulating the doctrine was his three-volume work De Gemeene Gratie.1
Although there are surprisingly few references to Calvin throughout the 1,200
plus pages of this work on common grace, Kuyper makes clear that he considers
himself dependent on Calvin for his own understanding of the doctrine of common
grace. In his view, Calvin gave clear expression to “the profound idea of this
‘common grace,’” by means of which he “explain(ed) the fact that the heathen
and unbelievers so often excelled in great measure in integrity and noble
sense.”2 Calvin “made mention of the restraint of sin” and “first
emphatically pointed out [this teaching] upon which the entire doctrine of
common grace is based.”3 Kuyper laments “the sad fact that ‘common
grace,’ after being so definitely confessed by Calvin … nevertheless both in the
Reformed confessions and in Reformed dogmatics is as good as entirely
neglected [after Calvin] ...”4
Herman
Bavinck (1854-1921) was Kuyper’s friend and co-laborer, as well as his
successor as Professor of Theology at the Free University of Amsterdam. Bavinck
was as zealous an advocate of common grace as his colleague. Raymond C. Van
Leeuwen lauds the contribution of Herman Bavinck to the development of common
grace in the Dutch Reformed tradition. In the preface to his translation of
Bavinck’s 1894 rectorial address that appeared in the Calvin Theological
Journal, Van Leeuwen writes:
One of the finest theological fruits of the Dutch
Neo-Calvinist revival in the latter half of the nineteenth century was the
rehabilitation and elaboration of the Reformed doctrine of common grace, which
to a large extent had lain dormant since Calvin. The chief agents of this
renewed interest in common grace were Herman Bavinck (1854-1921) and Abraham
Kuyper (1837-1920). While Kuyper produced the most extensive treatment of the
topic in his three-volume De Gemeene Gratie (1902-1904), Bavinck
deserves the credit for first developing the doctrine in a way that laid a
theological basis for the broad cultural programs and concerns of the revival.
He first broached the subject in his Catholicity of Christianity and Church (1888).
But that thematic seed germinated to produce a fuller treatment in his
rectorial address at Kampen in December 1894, entitled De Gemeene Genade ...5
Like
Kuyper, Bavinck traced the roots of common grace to the reformer from Geneva.
He was of the opinion that the doctrine of common grace, which found no place
in the Roman Catholic system, “was discovered in the Reformation, notably by
Calvin ...”6 It is Calvin “in dependence upon and with an appeal to
Scripture [who] comes to distinguish between general and special grace, between
the working of the Spirit in all creation and the work of sanctification that
belongs only to those who believe.”7
On
the occasion of the celebration of the 400th anniversary of the birth of John
Calvin in 1909, Bavinck wrote an article entitled “Calvin and Common Grace.” In
this article he reiterated his view that Calvin taught the doctrine of common
grace.
But of even greater significance is it that with Calvin
reprobation does not mean the withholding of all grace. Although man through
sin has been rendered blind to all the spiritual realities of the kingdom of
God, so that a special revelation of God’s fatherly love in Christ and a specialis
illuminatio by the Holy Spirit in the hearts of the sinners here become
necessary, nevertheless there exists alongside of these a generalis gratia which
dispenses to all men various gifts.8
According
to Bavinck, it was Calvin’s view that “…God immediately after the Fall
interposed, in order by His common grace to curb sin and to uphold in being the
universitas rerum.”9 In Bavinck’s view, common grace becomes
for Calvin the foundation for the Christian life and a reason for the rejection
of Roman Catholic monasticism, which was grounded in Rome’s dichotomy between
nature and grace.10
Not
only in the Netherlands, but also in North America, the defenders of common
grace have often appealed to Calvin in an effort to demonstrate the noble
bloodlines of the doctrine. This was especially true in Dutch Reformed
circles, where the teaching of common grace was hotly debated in the first
quarter of the twentieth century. The Christian Reformed theologian Louis
Berkhof (1873-1957) was among those who traced the development of common grace
to the sixteenth century reformer.
He [Calvin] firmly maintained that the natural man can of
himself do no good work whatsoever and strongly insisted on the particular
nature of saving grace. He developed alongside of the doctrine of particular
grace the doctrine of common grace. This is a grace which is communal, does
not pardon nor purify human nature, and does not effect the salvation of
sinners. It curbs the destructive power of sin, maintains in a measure the
moral order of the universe, thus making an orderly life possible, distributes
in varying degrees gifts and talents among men, promotes the development of
science and art, and showers untold blessings upon the children of men. Since
the days of Calvin the doctrine of common grace was generally recognized in
Reformed theology….11
H.
Henry Meeter (1886-1963), a fellow Christian Reformed churchman with Berkhof,
was equally insistent that the roots of common grace go back to John Calvin.
Meeter poses the question:
How shall we solve the problem of the bad which the Bible
ascribes to unregenerate men and those ‘excellent’ deeds performed by these
same unregenerate and pagan men? And we cannot say of these excellent deeds
that they are splendid vices. We cannot call them the products of sin. Sin will
not produce such good results.12
The
solution, according to Meeter, is common grace, which Meeter traces back to
Calvin.13
Yet
another Christian Reformed theologian who advanced the position that Calvin is
to be credited with being the first to set forth the doctrine of common grace
was William Masselink (1897-1973). Masselink’s position was that “[t]he works
of John Calvin already contained the doctrine of common grace, although it was
not yet developed.”14 To Abraham Kuyper “… belongs the credit of
gathering the historic material, especially from the works of John Calvin,
arranging this material in a system, and showing its practical bearing upon
everyday life.” Kuyper was only “the ‘copyist’ of John Calvin.” In building on
Calvin, Kuyper gave “a brilliant example of how the old Reformed theology must
be developed.”15
At
the same time that the Dutch Reformed in North America were wrestling over
common grace, Presbyterians on this continent began to pay increasing attention
to the doctrine. Already before the controversy erupted in the Christian
Reformed Church in the 1920s, several Presbyterian theologians wrote concerning
common grace. The Princeton theologian Charles Hodge (1797-1878) devoted a fairly
lengthy section—more than twenty pages—in the second volume of his three-volume
Systematic Theology to a discussion of common grace. However, he made no
mention of or direct reference to Calvin in the entire section.16
In his Dogmatic Theology, William G. T. Shedd (1820-1894) made only
passing reference to what he considered to be Calvin’s distinction between
common and special grace, without going into any detail concerning Calvin’s
view of common grace itself.17
Cornelius
Van Til (1895-1987), the Presbyterian theologian whose roots were in the Dutch
Reformed tradition, gave more attention to the teaching of common grace. In a number
of his writings he discusses common grace and develops the various aspects of
the doctrine. As is the case with other proponents of common grace, Van Til
appeals to Calvin as the source of the doctrine in the churches of the
Reformation. “Calvin [may be] called the originator, and Kuyper, the great
modern exponent of the doctrine of common grace….”18 He speaks of
the necessity that “any doctrine of common grace that is to be held by Reformed
men” must not only be in accord with “the main body of Reformed doctrine,” but
also with “Calvin’s doctrine of common grace.”19 Kuyper and Bavinck,
in Van Til’s view, are only the “great modern exponents of Calvin’s views….”20
John
Murray (1898-1975), Professor of Systematic Theology at Princeton Seminary and
later at Westminster Theological Seminary, was an ardent defender of common
grace. He too considered John Calvin to be the first great champion of the
doctrine.
In this field of inquiry no name deserves more credit than
that of the renowned reformer, John Calvin. No one was more deeply persuaded of
the complete depravation of human nature by sin and of the consequent inability
of unaided human nature to bring forth anything good, and so he explained the
existence of good outside the sphere of God’s special and saving grace by the
presence of a grace that is common to all, yet enjoyed by some in special
degree…. On this question Calvin not only opened a new vista but also a new era
in theological formulation.21
A
contemporary Presbyterian proponent of common grace is the Christian
Reconstructionist Gary North. In his book Dominion and Common Grace: The
Biblical Basis of Progress, North grounds the Christian Reconstructionist
political and social agenda that aims at Christianizing the world in the
teaching of common grace. At the outset he expresses the view that “[t]he
concept [of common grace] goes back at least to John Calvin’s writings.”22
The use that North and the Christian Reconstructionists make of common grace
is, in their view, only the outworking of the groundbreaking work done by John
Calvin.
Besides
the appeal made to Calvin by various individual theologians, at least one
church assembly grounded its pronouncements concerning common grace in the
teaching of the great church reformer. This appeal to Calvin was made by the
Synod of the Christian Reformed Church in 1924. In defense of the “First Point”
of common grace, the teaching that there is a favorable attitude of God towards
all men and not just towards the elect, and the “Second Point,” the teaching of
a restraint of sin in the ungodly, the synod cited three passages out of
Calvin’s Institutes.23 Clearly the synod was of the opinion
that its definition and description of common grace found support in the
theology of John Calvin.
Herman Kuiper’s Calvin on Common Grace
Although
the defenders of common grace have generally appealed to Calvin, the most
extensive effort to discover in Calvin support for the teaching was made by the
Christian Reformed theologian Herman Kuiper (1889-1963). Kuiper’s work
entitled Calvin on Common Grace, published in 1928, endures as the only
book-length treatment of the subject. In the book, which extends to over 250
pages, Kuiper carefully examines Calvin’s Institutes and his commentaries
in order to collate the reformer’s teaching on common grace. The book contains
a virtual catalogue of citations found in the Institutes and in the
commentaries that, in Kuiper’s judgment, indicate Calvin’s unqualified support
for the teaching of common grace. It is no exaggeration to say that Kuiper
finds references to common grace throughout the writings of Calvin. He sees
Calvin referring to common grace often and in many different contexts.
Although Kuiper concedes that “Calvin does not employ the term gratia
communis a single time,” and that “in Calvin’s writings there is not a
single one which gives something like a comprehensive view of the whole
subject,”24 he nevertheless is convinced that Calvin “was the first
theologian who made a clear-cut distinction between common and saving grace,
between the operations of the Spirit of God which are common to mankind at
large and the sanctifying work of the same Spirit which is limited to God’s
elect.”25 He regarded Calvin as the “father of Reformed theology”
and “the acknowledged discoverer of the doctrine of common grace; all the later
theologians who have written on common grace have borrowed largely from him.”26
In Kuiper’s view,
… Calvin teaches that God bestows grace not merely upon the
elect but also upon men who never attain to salvation, yea upon all creatures.
Surely he who runs may read that our author [Calvin] holds that all creatures
and especially all men are the recipients of countless favors, be it that the
great majority remain strangers to that divine grace which makes men
participants of life eternal.27
A
careful assessment of Kuiper’s book, however, raises serious questions about
his argument that Calvin is the father of common grace. Altogether apart from
the anachronistic consideration—that common grace was not an issue in Calvin’s
day, and was not therefore a matter to which he addressed himself
forthrightly—there are other concerns. In spite of the extended argument and
the array of citations from Calvin’s Institutes and commentaries, in
the end Kuiper’s argument that there can be found in Calvin convincing support
for the teaching of common grace is strained, at best, and a failure, at worst.
For
one thing, over and over again Kuiper relies on what he judges to be
implications of what Calvin teaches. Repeatedly he speaks of what a passage in
Calvin “implies,” or, “seems to imply.”28 Similarly, he speaks of
the “inference” that can be drawn from Calvin, or the “inference that lies at
hand.”29 He speaks of what Calvin has written as “suggesting”30
the idea of common grace or providing “some reason to think”31 that
Calvin had common grace in mind, or that he “seems to intimate”32
the teaching of common grace.
It
is one thing to draw legitimate implications from a theologian’s express
teaching. But that the main support regarding a position he is alleged to have
held relies so heavily on implications and inferences, rather than on his
express teaching, certainly makes suspect an appeal to that theologian for
support. In the absence of express teaching, the supposed implications and
inferences cannot be considered decisive. Besides, implications validly drawn
are one thing; arguments from silence are quite another. Too often the implications
that Kuiper draws are in reality arguments from silence.33
In
the second place, what further weakens the support for common grace that Kuiper
finds in Calvin is his frequent confusion of gifts and grace. This confusion
appears often in the long list of citations that Kuiper assembles from Calvin.
Over and over again he calls attention to statements in Calvin that make
reference to God’s bestowing good gifts upon reprobate ungodly men. From these
citations, Kuiper draws the unwarranted conclusion that Calvin taught common
grace. The underlying assumption that Kuiper makes is that gifts presuppose
grace. If God bestows good gifts on the wicked, this implies that He must also
be gracious to them. Divine grace is the source out of which the gifts proceed.
So goes the argument.
… God dispenses certain gifts of grace which are common to
the elect and non-elect. And these latter gifts are called common grace.34
Each individual must regard the intellectual endowments
which are granted him as an evidence of God’s peculiar grace shown him
personally. And it is to be regarded a manifestation of God’s special grace
when some receive more excellent gifts than the bulk of humanity. In all these
instances God grants grace indiscriminately to believers and non-believers ...35
… the inference lies at hand that God sometimes bestows
these excellent gifts on men who remain strangers to saving grace.36
… the inference lies at hand that he [Calvin] would have us
consider all men recipients of such divine gifts, that is, of grace.37
But
that Calvin teaches that God bestows good gifts on the reprobate wicked does
not necessarily imply, much less require, the teaching of common grace. The
fact that God bestows good gifts on those other than the elect in Christ is not
at all the issue. Rather the issue is whether God’s act of bestowing good gifts
proceeds from an attitude of favor on God’s part. No one can possibly dispute
that Calvin, in line with Scripture, teaches that it is God who gives to the
reprobate wicked their life and breath and every earthly thing. This is simply
what is included in a robust, which is to say, biblical, confession of the
truth of God’s providence. It is quite another thing to teach that behind the
good gifts of God stands a certain love and grace of God towards the reprobate
wicked who are the recipients of his gifts. Calvin taught the former. That he
taught the former is no proof that he taught the latter.
In
the third place, Kuiper’s appeal to Calvin in support of the teaching of common
grace is weakened by the fact that his argument often begs the question. Kuiper
contends that many times when Calvin teaches that God loves only the elect in
Christ, he is referring not to God’s love absolutely, but only to his salvific
love.
Calvin sometimes declares that God loves only the elect
believers who are one with Christ. (See e.g. III, 2, 32) At first sight such
declarations appear to be flat contradictions of what he teaches in other
passages to the effect that God also loves men who do not belong to the circle
of the elect. (See e.g. II, 16, 3 and 4; Gen. 9:6; Ps. 78:17; 92:10-12; Is. 27:4;
48:14; Lament. 3:33; Jon. 1:13-14; Mal. 1:2-6; Mark 10:21; 2 Pet. 3:9). A
little study of the context of these passages will, however, soon make it clear
to us that Calvin has reference to the redeeming love of God with which He
embraces only the elect when he declares that God loves no man apart from
Christ, and that he speaks in the other passages of a more general and a lesser
love with which God favors non-elect men. Besides, there need be no cause for
wonder that Calvin sometimes writes as though only the elect are the object of
God’s love. For that love which God manifests towards the believers exclusively
so far surpasses the love which God bestows on non-elect men that, when the two
are compared, it hardly seems proper to term the latter love.38
Kuiper
grants that Calvin very often speaks of God’s love for only the elect in
Christ. He cites, although he does not quote, a number of passages from the Institutes
and commentaries. His explanation is that in these passages Calvin is
referring to the saving love of God for the elect alone, not to the general
love of God for all men. But this begs the question. This presumes exactly what
must be demonstrated, namely, that Calvin makes such a distinction with
respect to the love of God. Kuiper presupposes that Calvin consciously distinguishes
between the love of God in these two senses, and that, depending on his
purpose and the context in which he is writing, refers to the one and not to
the other. But this is the very thing that needs proving, whether in fact
Calvin makes such a clear-cut distinction, so that when he speaks of God’s love
only for the elect in Christ, this does not take away from the fact that he
believes that God in another sense loves all men. The fact is that in the
passages that Kuiper cites, it does not appear that Calvin would allow such a
distinction. Rather, it seems that he precludes the possibility of making such
a distinction in as much as he affirms that God loves only His elect people in
Christ. God loves “none but his children”;39 God has “clearly manifested
the greatness of his love towards the children of Abraham...;40 and
Scripture “expresses the incredible warmth of love which the Lord bears towards
his people….”41 To contend that Calvin is referring only to God’s
saving love for the elect, in distinction from which He also maintains a certain
love for those who are not His elect, does not do justice to the force of
Calvin’s statements. It qualifies Calvin in a way in which Calvin did not
qualify himself.
In
the fourth place, Kuiper hardly does justice to the many times that Calvin
repudiates any notion of a gracious attitude of God towards the ungodly. Kuiper
does refer to especially two such statements in Calvin. In dealing with
Calvin’s commentary on the prophecy of Isaiah, Kuiper quotes Calvin’s comments
on Isaiah 65:20.
‘Here it must also be observed that blessings of soul or of
body are found only in the Kingdom of Christ, that is, in the Church, outside
of which there is nothing but curse. Hence it follows that all those who are
strangers to that kingdom are wretched and unhappy; and however flourishing and
vigorous they may seem, they are nevertheless in the sight of God rotten and
loathsome corpses.’
Kuiper’s
response to what Calvin writes here is that “[i]t must be admitted that this
statement taken by itself would seem to indicate that Calvin leaves no room for
common grace.”42 That is all that Kuiper says in response to what is
in Calvin, the alleged father of common grace, a repudiation of common grace.
In a similar vein Kuiper later writes:
In explaining [Galatians] 5:22 Calvin states that all
virtues, all proper and well-regulated affections, proceed from the Spirit,
that is, from the grace of God and the renovation which we derive from Christ.
Paul here says, as it were, that nothing but what is evil comes from man and
that there is no good except it come from the Holy Spirit. For although
illustrious examples of gentleness, faithfulness, temperance and generosity
have often been seen in unregenerate men, yet it is certain that these were but
deceptive masks. Curius and Fabricius were distinguished for courage, Cato for
temperance, Scipio for kindness and generosity, Fabius for patience; but it
was only in the sight of men and with respect to the valuation placed upon them
as members of civil society, that they were thus distinguished. But in the
sight of God nothing is pure, but what proceeds from the Fountain of all
purity.
To
which Kuiper’s response is:
Here Calvin seems to contradict flatly what he has
elsewhere taught concerning the virtues of the heathen as products of the grace
of the Spirit.43
In
fact, Calvin does not merely “seem” to contradict the notion of a grace of God
towards the ungodly; he does actually contradict it. The “seeming”
contradiction in Kuiper’s mind arises out of his misreading of Calvin, a
misreading that mistakenly attributes to Calvin the teaching of common grace.
Then there is in Calvin not “seeming” contradiction, but very real
contradiction.
There
are many passages in Calvin, besides those quoted by Kuiper, in which he flatly
contradicts the teaching of common grace. Commenting on Psalm 1:1, Calvin says:
The greater part of mankind being accustomed to deride the
conduct of the saints as mere simplicity, and to regard their labour as
entirely thrown away, it was of importance that the righteous should be
confirmed in the way of holiness, by the consideration of the miserable
condition of all men without the blessing of God, and the conviction that God
is favourable to none but those who zealously devote themselves to the study of
divine truth.44
Calvin
also has some significant things to say regarding any possible favor on the
part of God towards the ungodly in his comments on Psalm 73. In connection with
verse 3 of the Psalm he says:
In the same way, the prosperity of the wicked is taken as
an encouragement to commit sin; for we are ready to imagine, that, since God
grants them so much of the good things of this life, they are the objects of
his approbation and favour.45
Calvin
explicitly rejects the thinking that God’s good gifts bestowed on the wicked
are an indication of His favor towards them, which is exactly the teaching of
common grace. In connection with verse 17 of the same Psalm he cautions:
If, on the contrary, we do not perceive any punishment
inflicted on them [the ungodly] in this world, let us beware of thinking that
they have escaped, or that they are the objects of the Divine favour and
approbation; but let us rather suspend our judgment, since the end or the last
day has not yet arrived.46
Calvin
insists that in evaluating the prosperity of the ungodly, we must beware of the
thinking that concludes that “they are the objects of the Divine favour….” He
could hardly be clearer in his rejection of the thinking of common grace.
In
connection with his comments on Psalm 92:11, Calvin exhorts the children of
God:
When staggered in our faith at any time by the prosperity
of the wicked, we should learn by his [the psalmist’s] example to rise in our
contemplations to a God in heaven, and the conviction will immediately follow
in our minds that his enemies cannot long continue to triumph.47
It
happens, says Calvin, that the believer staggers in his faith at the prosperity
of the wicked. Especially is he susceptible to staggering spiritually when the
prosperity of the wicked is coupled with the believer’s own experience of
distress, loss, and persecution. He staggers in his faith because he supposes
that God is favorable to the wicked, the prosperity of the wicked being the
evidence of God’s favor toward them. But when the believer is inclined thus to
stagger, Calvin exhorts, he must never lose sight of the fact that the wicked
are God‘s enemies, and that those who are God’s enemies “cannot long continue
to triumph.”
Kuiper
offers an explanation for what he considers to be a clear contradiction in
Calvin’s teaching, that whereas sometimes Calvin insists that God is gracious
only to the elect in Christ, at other times he speaks of God’s grace for the
non-elect.
To be sure, we do come across a number of contradictions
which are more apparent than real. And in so far as we meet with real
contradictions, these are contradictions which bear the character of paradoxes
which Calvin himself acknowledges, paradoxes which, in our author’s view, are
involved in the teaching of the Scriptures which he sought to expound.48
A
bit later, Kuiper writes:
With regard to these contradictions we readily acknowledge
that they are not merely seeming contradictions. They are real contradictions.
We may as well try to budge a mountain of solid granite with our finger than
endeavor to harmonize these declarations. There is nothing left for us but to
agree that Calvin’s writings contain irreconcilable paradoxes.49
Paradox—this
is Kuiper’s explanation for the contradictions he perceives in Calvin. Calvin,
whose “logical mind” Kuiper praises at the beginning of his book, a “logical
mind [that] could not put up with a dualism between nature and grace…,” could
rest in flatly contradictory statements with regard to God’s attitude toward
reprobate wicked men. It is not, says Kuiper, that Calvin spoke imprecisely or
unadvisedly at times. It is not that Calvin did not always express himself in a
consistent manner over the span of years of his active ministry and throughout
his voluminous writings. But Calvin spoke paradoxically. He was content to
maintain what he knew to be contradictory positions and deliberately held
these contradictory positions in tension with each other, according to Kuiper.
One wonders how satisfying, even to Kuiper, this explanation could have been.
It certainly does not seem possible that this would have been satisfying to
John Calvin.
But
what raises further doubts about the strength of the support for the teaching
of common grace that Kuiper finds in Calvin is the question of how such a
doctrine squares with the overall teaching of Calvin. The issue is not merely
what Calvin says in a particular place and in a given context. But the greater issue
is the overall teaching of Calvin. The question is: Does the teaching of common
grace fit comfortably within the contours of the main teachings of Calvin? That
issue Kuiper does not face in his book Calvin on Common Grace. How, for
instance, can the teaching of common grace be squared with Calvin’s insistence
on the sovereignty of grace? How can it be squared with his insistence on
sovereign predestination, the will of God that makes distinction between men
from eternity and for eternity? How can it be squared with the immutability of
God? How can it be squared with the total depravity of man? How can it be
squared with a definite atonement, the scope of which and the benefits of which
are for the elect alone? These important issues are not addressed in any
significant way by Kuiper in his overview of Calvin’s teaching. Because he does
not fit his view of Calvin’s teaching on common grace into the larger scheme
of Calvin’s overarching theology, Kuiper’s argument that Calvin teaches common
grace is exaggerated and forced. In the end, it raises more questions than it
answers.
The Contemporary Assessment
A
number of contemporary scholars, some of them proponents of the teaching of
common grace, acknowledge the slender support for the doctrine that can be
found in the great reformer John Calvin. It may even be said that there is an
emerging consensus that the teaching of common grace, at least the common grace
of Abraham Kuyper and of Reformed theology after Kuyper, cannot be rooted
securely in the teaching of Calvin. And there is growing recognition of the
fact that the main tenets of Calvin’s theology are at odds with various aspects
of the teaching of common grace.
Hendrikus
Berkhof (1914-1995) has been a very influential contemporary theologian in the Nederlandse
Hervormde Kerk, serving for many years as a Professor of Theology at the
University of Leiden. Assessing the theology of Abraham Kuyper, Berkhof has
written that “[i]n theology—apart from his broad development of the doctrine
of common grace—Kuyper closely followed the Calvinistic tradition, even in
its scholastic form.”50 Notice that it is Berkhof’s judgment that in
his development of the doctrine of common grace, Kuyper was not strictly
following the Calvinistic tradition, that is, he was not following Calvin. Kuyper’s
development of common grace was not a flowering forth of seeds planted by
Calvin, nor an outworking of principles clearly articulated by Calvin.
In
1898 Dr. Abraham Kuyper lectured at Princeton Theological Seminary under the
auspices of the L. P. Stone Foundation. His six lectures—the “Stone Lectures,”
as they are commonly referred to—were subsequently published in book form under
the title Lectures on Calvinism.51 The centennial of the
Stone Lectures brought a spate of articles and books reflecting on Kuyper’s
lectures, as well as his contributions to Reformed theology generally. One of
these books was Creating a Christian Worldview: Abraham Kuyper’s Lectures on
Calvinism, by Peter S. Heslam. Regarding the Stone Lectures, Heslam notes
that “[a]lthough the doctrine of election, or predestination as Kuyper
preferred to call it, is often considered to be the most characteristic element
of Calvinistic theology, Kuyper gave no special attention to it in his
exposition of Calvinism in the Stone Lectures.”52 What received
emphasis in the Stone Lectures was the doctrine of common grace and the
application of the doctrine of common grace.
The theologians at Princeton Seminary would have been
familiar with the traditional teachings of the Reformed faith. Kuyper aimed to
challenge them to regard these teachings not as dogmas to be defended,
preserved, and contained within the confines of the institutional church, but
as dynamic principles which, once released into the world, had the power to
transform it.
To
which he immediately adds:
The one exception to this pattern was the doctrine of
common grace, which was not normally considered one of the essential or
fundamental doctrines of Calvinism, and does not occupy a prominent position in
Calvin’s theology. In arguing for the centrality of this doctrine in the
Calvinistic worldview, Kuyper was making explicit an element that was implicit
in Calvin’s thought.53
Throughout
his book, Heslam minimizes, and even brings into question, the strength of the
support that Kuyper found for his teaching of common grace in Calvin.
Although Calvin’s ideas thus provided Kuyper with a
solution to the problem of the value of non-Christian science, they did not do
so by means of a fully fledged doctrine of common grace, as Kuyper’s appeal to
Calvin implies.54
Thus the doctrine of common grace, which is not a major
element in traditional Calvinistic theology, became, under the influence of
Kuyper’s objectives, a doctrine of overriding and central importance. His
insistence on the centrality of this doctrine in the Calvinistic worldview was
an attempt to make explicit an element that was implicit in Calvin’s thought,
and to give systematic expression to an aspect of Calvin’s theology that had
none of the coherence Kuyper ascribed to it.55
This partly accounts for the fact that some of the severest
criticisms to be unleashed against Kuyper’s program from within Reformed
circles were that he had broken with traditional Calvinism [in his development
of common grace], despite his assurances that he aimed to modernize only the application
of Calvin’s theology, not its contents. The result of this modernization
may justifiably be called ‘neo-Calvinism’ and cannot be taken as an accurate
and reliable guide to the theology of John Calvin.56
James
D. Bratt indicates the same sort of uneasiness over Kuyper’s appeal to Calvin
and the early Reformed tradition in support of his teaching of common grace.
Kuyper’s farthest-reaching work in this vein was doubtless
his elaboration of the Reformed doctrine of common grace. His conservative
opponents complained that his was more ‘invention’ than elaboration, for Kuyper
by his own admission greatly expanded and systematized what earlier Reformed
theologians had left as hints and pieces.57
Richard
J. Mouw is an enthusiastic contemporary proponent of common grace. In the fall
of 2000, Mouw presented the annual Stob Lectures on the campus of Calvin
College and Calvin Theological Seminary. His lectures were later published as He
Shines in All That’s Fair: Culture and Common Grace. Mouw argues that “[i]t
is certainly possible to find comments in his [Calvin’s] writings that could
encourage the development of a doctrine of common grace.”58 In spite
of this, it is Mouw’s opinion that the opponents of common grace “can
legitimately claim nonetheless to be working within the general contours of
Calvin’s thought.”59
David
R. Van Drunen, Professor of Systematic Theology and Christian Ethics at
Westminster Seminary California, has recently voiced the judgment that:
Common grace is a doctrine in Kuyper’s theology that finds
no exact precedent in the Reformed tradition. Although earlier Reformed
theologians spoke of God’s sustaining the world in general and his preservation
and blessing of civil society in particular, they did not use common grace as a
distinct and organizing category.60
If
Kuyper’s common grace theology finds no exact precedent in the Reformed
tradition, then his attempt, as well as later theologians’ determined attempts,
to trace the teaching back to the great reformer of Geneva is certainly discredited.
Conclusion
The
effort to establish a clear line of development of the doctrine of common grace
from John Calvin to Abraham Kuyper and the contemporary proponents of the
doctrine of common grace is unsuccessful. It must be admitted, of course, that
from time to time Calvin does speak of a “peculiar grace” of God towards the
ungodly, a “peculiar grace” of God that accounts especially for the outstanding
natural abilities that certain ungodly persons possess, and the noble virtues
that they frequently exhibit. Along with this is Calvin’s confusion sometimes
of providence and grace. What Calvin at times describes as a fruit of the grace
of God working in the heathen is really a fruit of God’s providence. Calvin did
not always carefully distinguish these two things, and thus did not always
clearly distinguish between gifts and grace. “Evidence clearly testifies,”
says Calvin, “to a universal apprehension of reason and understanding by
nature implanted in men.” In this, he goes on to say, “every man ought to
recognize…the peculiar grace of God.”61 And a bit later he writes:
Some men excel in keenness; others are superior in
judgment; still others have a readier wit to learn this or that art. In this
variety God commends his grace to us, lest anyone should claim as his own what
flowed from the sheer bounty of God.62
But
that Calvin expressed himself somewhat ambiguously and imprecisely at times is
not yet to say that Calvin intentionally established the foundation for the
doctrine of common grace, laying the groundwork on which later theologians
would erect the imposing structure of common grace. He did not. One cannot find
in Calvin a love of God for all men in general, a love that includes also the
reprobate wicked. One cannot find in Calvin a grace of God that mitigates the
depravity of the natural man. One cannot find in Calvin a grace of God for
mankind generally resulting in the creation of a God-glorifying culture. One
cannot find in Calvin a grace of God towards all men that is the basis for
friendship between and cooperation of the believer and the unbeliever, the
church and the world. This is not John Calvin. But this is Abraham Kuyper, the
father of common grace in the Reformed churches. Kuyper and those who followed
him cannot legitimately appeal to Calvin for support of their doctrine of
common grace. On the contrary, Calvin may be rightly appealed to in opposition
to the teaching of common grace. Indeed, Calvin may be appealed to in order to
establish common grace’s fundamental break with the Reformed tradition.
It
is undoubtedly the case that those on both sides of the issue of common grace
will continue to claim authority for their respective positions in John
Calvin. And there will continue to be disagreement over whether or not support
for the teaching can be derived from Calvin. This state of affairs is not
likely to change. What ought to be clear, however, is that the strong support
for common grace that is sometimes alleged in Calvin is lacking. And what ought
to be clear is that the common grace of Abraham Kuyper and his disciples cannot
justifiably be considered to be the explicit setting forth of that which was
implicit in Calvin. Calvin would not only have been uneasy with various aspects
of Kuyper’s common grace, he would have repudiated them. For, according to
Calvin, “Those most certainly are the farthest from glorifying the grace of
God, who declare that it is indeed common to all men….”63
------------------------------------------------------
FOOTNOTES:
1
Abraham Kuyper, De Gemeene Gratie, 3 vols. (Amsterdam: Hoveker &
Wormser, 1902-1905). This set has not been translated from the Dutch into
English. All translations of the Dutch are mine.
2
Kuyper, De Gemeene Gratie, 1:6.
3
Kuyper, De Gemeene Gratie, 1:248.
4
Kuyper, De Gemeene Gratie, 2:97.
5 Raymond C. Van Leeuwen, “Translator’s
Introduction.” This introduction is a preface to Van Leeuwen’s translation of
Bavinck’s rectorial address. The translation appears under the title “Common
Grace,” Calvin Theological Journal, vol. 24, no. 1, April 1989. The
above quotation appears on p. 35.
6 Bavinck, “Common Grace,” 39.
7 Bavinck, “Common Grace,” 51.
8 Herman Bavinck, “Calvin and Common Grace,”
trans. Geerhardus Vos and included in Calvin and the Reformation: Four
Studies by Emile Doumergue, August Lang, Herman Bavinck, Benjamin B.
Warfield (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909), 117.
9 Bavinck, “Calvin and Common Grace,” 118.
10 Bavinck, “Calvin and Common Grace,” 120ff.
11 Louis Berkhof, Systematic Theology (Grand
Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, repr. 1996), 434.
12 H. Henry Meeter, Calvinism: An
Interpretation of Its Basic Ideas (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing
House, n.d.), 70.
13 Meeter, Calvinism, 69, 71.
14 William Masselink, General Revelation and Common
Grace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1953), 187.
15 Masselink, General Revelation, 187f.
16 Charles Hodge, Systematic Theology, vol.
2 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, repr. 1970), pp. 654-675.
17 William G. T. Shedd, Dogmatic Theology (Phillipsburg:
P & R Publishing, 3rd edition, 2003), 361.
18 Cornelius Van Til, Common Grace and the
Gospel (Nutley: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1977), 12.
19 Cornelius Van Til, The Defense of the Faith (Philadelphia:
Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Company, 1955), 177.
20 Van Til, Defense of the Faith, 182.
21 John Murray, “Common Grace,” in Collected
Writings of John Murray (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1977),
2:94.
22 Gary North, Dominion and Common Grace: The
Biblical Basis of Progress (Tyler: Institute for Christian Economics,
1987), 4.
23 Acts of Synod 1924 of the Christian Reformed
Church, trans. Henry De Mots (Grand Rapids: Archives of the Christian
Reformed Church, 2000), 127
24 Herman Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace (Oosterbaan
& Le Cointre, Goes, Netherlands and Smitter Book Company, Grand Rapids,
MI, 1928), 177.
25 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 2.
26 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 1.
27 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 177.
28 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 3, 6, 8,
18, 29, and many others.
29 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 13, 18,
and others.
30 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 20, 23.
31 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 29.
32 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 172.
33 Instances of this would be Kuiper’s contention
that Calvin’s comments on Ephesians 1:22 imply that as the Head of the church,
Christ is the administrator of common grace (Calvin on Common Grace, 166),
or that the apostle’s command in I Timothy 4:3 that meats are to be received
with thanksgiving imply that the very worst men are fed by God’s blessing (Calvin
on Common Grace, 168).
34 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 179.
35 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 18.
36 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 7.
37 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 16.
38 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 215.
39 John Calvin, A Commentary on the Harmony of
the Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, repr. 1957), 2:399.
40 John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of
Psalms, trans. James Anderson (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, repr. 1963), 3:242.
41 John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of the
Prophet Isaiah, trans. William Pringle (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 1948), 2:250.
42 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 100.
43 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 165.
44 John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of
Psalms, trans. James Anderson (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Company, repr. 1963), 1:2.
45 Calvin, Psalms, 3:126.
46 Calvin, Psalms, 3:143.
47 Calvin, Psalms, 3:502.
48 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 215.
49 Kuiper, Calvin on Common Grace, 223.
50 Hendrikus Berkhof, Two Hundred Years of
Theology: Report of a Personal Journey (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing Co., 1989), 109. The italics in the quotation are mine.
51 Abraham Kuyper, Lectures on Calvinism (Grand
Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., repr. 1975).
52 Peter S. Heslam, Creating a Christian
Worldview: Abraham Kuyper’s Lectures on Calvinism (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1998), 116.
53 Heslam, Creating a Christian Worldview, 140.
54 Heslam, Creating a Christian Worldview, 178.
55 Heslam, Creating a Christian Worldview, 259.
56 Heslam, Creating a Christian Worldview, 260.
57 James D. Bratt, ed., Abraham Kuyper: A
Centennial Reader (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1998),
165.
58 Richard J. Mouw, He Shines in All That’s
Fair: Culture and Common Grace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Co., 2001), 15.
59 Mouw, He Shines in All That’s Fair, 18.
60 David M. Van Drunen, “Abraham Kuyper and the
Reformed Natural Law and Two Kingdoms Tradition,” Calvin Theological
Journal, vol. 42, November 2007, 299.
61 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian
Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia:
The Westminster Press, 1960), 2.2.14.
62 Calvin, Institutes, 2.2.17.
63 John Calvin, Calvin’s Calvinism: Treatises
on the Eternal Predestination of God and the Secret Providence of God, transl.
Henry Cole (Grand Rapids: Reformed Free Publishing Association, repr. 1987),
30.
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